Dear Punjabis/Pakhtun/Sindhis: Let’s build “Jinnah ka Pakistan”

Contents

Introduction

1. Erasure of “Allama” Iqbal

2. National Capital in Karachi, not “Punjababad”

3. Karachi Separated from Sindh

4. Muhajir Civilian Consensual Autocracy

5. Alcohol Regulations

6. Ahmadi & Minority Rights

7. Baloch & FATA Affairs

8. More infrastructure development for Karachi

9. Return Muhajir businesses to Muhajirs

10. Summary

 

Introduction

Ever since the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, Punjabi/Pakhtun/Sindhi liberals have been calling for “Jinnah ka Pakistan” (Jinnah’s Pakistan).  The problem is: none of them can seem to agree what “Jinnah ka Pakistan” means.  Even the Punjabi Mullahs who opposed Jinnah’s Pakistan Movement and many times tried to assassinate him, claim to seek “Jinnah ka Pakistan”.

In March 1951, the Punjabi Marxist poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz and his accomplices tried to launch a Communist coup against Muhajir Liaquat Ali Khan.  If they had succeeded, Liaquat would have been hung by Faiz and the other Punjabi conspirators.  Liaquat managed to foil that plot, but in October 1951, he was assassinated in Rawalpindi.  Punjabis today who are the biggest fans of Faiz claim to seek “Jinnah ka Pakistan”.

Faiz tried to overthrow Liaquat and would surely have executed him if he had succeeded

Faiz tried to overthrow Liaquat and would surely have executed him if he had succeeded

Pakhtuns such as Bacha Khan hated Jinnah.  Bacha Khan first tried to join India, and won the 1937 NWFP elections under the Congress banner.  When that plan failed (because NWFP was physically separated by Punjab), Bacha Khan then tried to create “Pakhtunistan” by joining Afghanistan. Yet today, Pakhtun followers of Bacha Khan claim to seek “Jinnah ka Pakistan”.

Bacha Khan created a militant wing called "Young Pathans" to fight Jinnah ka Pakistan

Bacha Khan created an armed militant wing called “Young Pathans” to fight Jinnah ka Pakistan

Sindhi Waderas (Feudal Lords) completely rejected Jinnah in the 1937 elections, then joined Pakistan only to expel Sindhi Hindus and seize their assets.  Immediately after Partition, they rejected Jinnah’s authority.  The descendants of these anti-Jinnah Sindhi Waderas today claim to seek “Jinnah ka Pakistan”.

On the eve of partition, the Sindhi waderas threatened to boycott Jinnah ka Pakistan

On the eve of partition, the Sindhi waderas threatened to boycott Jinnah ka Pakistan

Fortunately, “Jinnah ka Pakistan” does actually exist: it is the period from August 14 1947 (Pakistan Independence) to 11 September 1948 (Jinnah’s death).  These are the 393 days of Jinnah ka Pakistan.

Now let us examine what happened in these 393 days and ask the Punjabis/Pakhtun/Sindhis which part of “Jinnah ka Pakistan” they actually agree with:

Long Live Jinnah ka Pakistan

Long Live Jinnah ka Pakistan

1. Erasure of “Allama” Iqbal

“Allama” Sir Mohammed Iqbal was a political enemy of Jinnah.  In the late 1920s, Sir Mohammed Shafi (Punjabi) created a major rift with Jinnah and split AIML.  The Cambridge-educated Iqbal was deputy of Shafi.  In 1928, Shafi broke AIML in 2 pieces (Punjabi vs Urdu/Bengali speakers), and officially expelled Jinnah from AIML.  Iqbal joined Shafi in his walkout from Jinnah’s AIML session, and himself drafted Jinnah’s “expulsion” from AIML.

For full details with original source evidence, please see my article: “Allama” Sir M. Iqbal – Enemy of Jinnah

Iqbal was a Jihadist poet, who dreamed of a worldwide Islamic State, praised Jihad and the destruction of Pagan temples, and believed in a theocratic system of government.  This was totally against Jinnah’s ethos, which explains why they were enemies.  After Shafi/Iqbal expelled Jinnah from AIML, Jinnah moved to London.  When Shafi died, the Urdu Speakers kicked out Iqbal from AIML.

https://pbs.twimg.com/media/CBUvrjpWQAAhGyD.jpg

Iqbal dreamt of a worldwide Islamic State, like ISIS

With Shafi and Iqbal gone, Jinnah returned to India to resume control of AIML.

Iqbal died in 1938.  Before that, Jinnah’s AIML was thrashed in Punjab’s 1937 Elections (2/175 seats, both won by Ahmadis).  Therefore, Iqbal’s “ideology of Pakistan” meant nothing to Punjabis whilst he was still alive.  Punjabis of 1937 voted for Punjab Unionist Party, led by a group of Waderas (Rural Landlords).

When Iqbal died, there was no official AIML function held to remember him.  When the Lahore Resolution was passed in March 1940, there was no mention of Iqbal by Jinnah.  When Pakistan gained its independence, there was no official ceremony to remember Iqbal held by Jinnah or the Pakistan government.  Iqbal was meaningless to Jinnah or the Pakistan Movement.

Yet today, Iqbal’s image is placed side by side with Jinnah at major state functions.  This modern pretence that Iqbal created the Ideology of Pakistan is a ridiculous lie.  Punjabis realise there was minimal contribution to the creation of Pakistan by Punjabis, so they elevate Iqbal to co-founder status.

To achieve “Jinnah ka Pakistan”, the name of Jihadi poet Iqbal must be erased from Pakistan official functions, and no pretence should be made regarding his contribution to the creation of Pakistan.  All schoolchildren must be taught that Iqbal expelled Jinnah from AIML.

2. National Capital in Karachi, not “Punjababad”

Jinnah could have created Pakistan’s capital in many places.  He could have chosen Rawalpindi, a British Army garrison town.  He could have chosen Lahore, the capital of Punjab, Pakistan’s biggest province.  He could have also chosen Dhaka, Chittagong, Hyderabad, Peshawar, or Quetta.

Thousands of well-trained Muhajir civil servants poured into Pakistan

Thousands of well-trained Muhajir civil servants poured into Karachi

Instead, he selected Karachi, which millions of Muhajirs flocked to after Partition.  The reason for this was simple: The Muhajirs were more educated, more liberal, more secular and most tolerant.  This meant that non-Muhajirs felt comfortable living in Karachi.  As a cosmopolitan and Muhajir-majority city, Karachi could attract Pakhtun, Bengalis of East Pakistan, Punjabis, Baloch and Sindhis to live, raise and educate their children in peace.  The Muhajir dominated Karachi Police could be trusted to treat all communities in fairness.

Whilst thousands of well-trained Muhajir Civil Servants entered Karachi, in Punjab there was barely a single well-trained or educated Punjabi Civil Servant.  In Sindh, there was 99.6% illiteracy in English (according to a 1936 British Govt survey).

From this perspective, it can be seen what a spectacular disaster it has been for the Punjabis and Sindhis to have excluded Muhajirs from the administration of Pakistan and Karachi.  They have turned the country from a promising young nation, once imitated by the South Koreans, into a Jihadi-infested basket case of corruption, obsessed with a deep hatred of India.

1947 - Zero Punjabi Civil servants

Punjab had almost zero trained civil servants at independence

With Pakistan’s capital in Karachi, it would be less likely for Pakistan’s politics to be majorly influenced by Punjabi/Pakhtun Jihadi Mullahs.  The Punjabis do not even have the will to remove the fortified ISIS base in the Red Mosque, just 1 mile from the National Assembly.

ZAB-ISB

Moving the Capital from Karachi to Northern Punjab has been a disaster for Pakistan

In 1960, the Ayub/Bhutto regime moved Pakistan’s capital to Islamabad.

Since Pakistan moved its capital to northern Punjab, there are virtually zero Muhajirs to be found in Pakistan Federal Ministries located in Islamabad.  Pakistan is near the bottom of the world Corruption Index.  Few non-Punjabis feel comfortable to live in Islamabad, which is effectively “Punjababad”.  The civil-military nexus is far too concentrated, and politicians find it hard to make independent foreign policy decisions.

To achieve “Jinnah ka Pakistan”, the country’s capital should be moved back to Karachi.  This will achieve greater political balance in the country, and enable Muhajirs to host a cosmopolitan and welcoming capital for all.  Pakistan’s Civil Service will become less Punjabi-dominated than present.

3. Karachi Separated from Sindh

At independence, Karachi was administered as part of Sindh Province.  In 1948, Jinnah separated Karachi from Sindh.

1948 - Sindh assembly MAJ conflict

Jinnah separated Karachi from Sindh

When Jinnah separated Karachi from Sindh, the Sindhi Waderas erupted with fury.  They hated Jinnah with a passion, and even tried to get a Lawyer from London to make a case against Jinnah in the Pakistan Federal Court.  Yet, with Karachi separated from Sindh, Karachi flourished.

The downturn of Karachi accelerated when Bhutto placed Karachi back into Sindhi control in 1972.

In 1972, Z.A. Bhutto ended Karachi’s separate status and put it back into Sindh.  Shortly after that, Bhutto proposed the Sindhi Language Bill, meaning that Sindh Provincial Government would only use Sindhi language.  This was a naked attempt to push Muhajirs completely out of the administration of Karachi.

1972-Sindhi Urdu riots

With Bhutto’s Sindhi Language Bill, Jinnah himself would have been unable to get a job in Karachi’s administration as he was not a Sindhi speaker

Today, Sindhi Waderas of PPP have almost zero Karachi votes, yet rule Karachi by virtue of their ocean of Sindhi peasant voters in rural Sindh.  Muhajirs have no control over Karachi infrastructure, education, healthcare or security.  Karachi Police used to be Muhajir dominated, and Karachi was known to be the safest city in Pakistan.

Yet in rural Sindh, women could be killed openly like they are today without punishment.  In Pakhtun areas up north, entire tribes would have blood feuds and kill hundreds just because one Pakhtun pulled another one’s beard or some other trivial matter.  In Punjab, if a man stole a sheep from another man, the village elders would “punish” him by allowing the victim’s family to gangrape his womenfolk.  All these things were unthinkable in Karachi, and this is only because Muhajirs controlled Karachi security.  There was no need for Federal Rangers.

Since Bhutto replaced Muhajirs with Sindhis in Karachi Police, the same practices as rural Sindh have entered Karachi.  Police postings are sold, and the Sindhis who purchase them run bootlegging and gambling rings to fund their purchase.  Karachi used to be the safest city when Jinnah’s policies were implemented, now it is the most dangerous.

To achieve “Jinnah ka Pakistan”, the Urdu speakers should run Karachi government and security.  This will once more turn Karachi into the safest city of Karachi, and this will have a transformative impact on the rest of Pakistan.

4.Muhajir Civilian Consensual Autocracy

Jinnah led the independence movement, yet he never held elections in Pakistan.  If he had tried, the Punjabi establishment would have opposed him and Jinnah would have lost.  After Jinnah died, there was also no election.  The leadership of Pakistan simply passed from (Muhajir) Jinnah to (Muhajir) Liaquat Ali Khan.

Jinnah governed Pakistan as a benevolent Muhajir dictator.  He realised that the other Provinces were run either by crooks, gangsters, Waderas, black marketers, Jihadis or simply chauvinists who wanted their province to get everything and the others to get nothing.  For this reason, Jinnah never held another meeting of Pakistan’s Assembly after August 14 1947.  It was simply because he knew the Punjabi and Sindhi waderas would paralyse his government.

1948- NA not sat

Punjabi liberals today remember “Jinnah ka Pakistan” in which Ahmadis had equal rights: Jinnah’s foreign minister was Ahmadi.  Jinnah also had Hindu ministers, and asked a Hindu poet to write Pakistan’s first national anthem (replaced by the current bizarre Persian anthem by a group of Punjabis in 1954).

Karachi’s Parsees, Christians, Hindus prospered under Jinnah and Liaquat’s rule.

Punjabi liberals are useless to prevent persecution and slaughter of Punjabi Christians

Punjabi liberals are useless to prevent persecution and slaughter of Punjabi Christians

It must be understood that this could not have been achieved without Muhajir dictatorship.  If Punjabis had a majority vote in 1947, the Ahmadis would have been kicked out immediately, and other minorities’ lives would have been difficult.  This is because Punjabi politicians are scared of the Mullahs who can bring millions of Punjabi Jihadis onto the streets to burn cities.  This is the reason why Imran Khan has pledged never to change Pakistan’s discriminatory anti-Ahmadi laws: he fears the power of the Punjabi Mullahs.

It is very easy for Punjabi/Sindhi/Pakhtun “Liberals” to claim to seek Jinnah’s Pakistan.  All they have to do parrot Jinnah’s Speech of August 11th 1947, in which he promised Pakistanis:

“You are free; you are free to go to your temples. You are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion, caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State.”

In practice, these Punjabi/Sindhi/Pakhtun “Liberals” are totally powerless to prevent the bigotry of their masses, and this has been evident for more than 6 decades already.

Therefore, to achieve “Jinnah ka Pakistan”, there must be a period of Muhajir rule in Pakistan.  We have had Punjabi governments, Army dictatorships, and Sindhi wadera regimes.  These have all been total disasters.  With the consent of all Pakistan, Muhajirs’ government can enforce national equality and create a harmonious society in which everyone gets a fair go.

5. Alcohol Regulations

In Jinnah’s era, the sale of alcohol was legal in Karachi and Hyderabad.  In Punjab, it was banned since October 1948.  However, in 1977 the alcohol drinker Z.A. Bhutto banned alcohol in Karachi as well.  Today, there are countless illegal alcohol shops in Karachi, which pay protection money to Bhuttoist Karachi Police.

Due to the power of Punjabi Mullahs, Alcohol was banned in Punjab since 1947

Due to the power of Punjabi Mullahs, Alcohol was banned in Punjab since 1948

It would be best to make alcohol consumption available though regulated establishments like it is in Qatar, UAE, Oman, most Arab countries, and all Western countries.  Those who do not wish to drink alcohol will not, and those who choose to do so (like Jinnah himself) should be free to do so.

The Muhajirs had no problem with Jinnah's eating pork and drinking alcohol, but the Mullahs called him "Kafir-e-Azam" because of it

Jinnah drank alcohol, as was well known across India.  The Mullahs called him “Kafir-e-Azam”.

Under the current system. countless Karachi residents are turned into criminals because they drink alcohol, and the only beneficiary is (Sindhi) Karachi police who receive the opportunity to extort bribes and protection money.

With a legalised alcohol system, local government can also receive taxes, and criminal gangs will no longer have control over Karachi alcohol sale.

Alcohol was legal for sale in Karachi and Hyderabad

Alcohol was legal for sale in Karachi and Hyderabad

Punjab is dominated by violent mullahs, so it is understandable if Punjabis wish to keep alcohol illegal. The Punjabis are so scared of their mullahs that they dare not even allow Lahore’s tradional Hindu/Sikh kite flying festival of Basant to take place.

To create “Jinnah ka Pakistan”, the sale of alcohol must once again be legalised in Karachi.

6. Ahmadi Rights

Jinnah and Liaquat were Muhajirs, so they supported equal rights for all communities and religious groups.  This included those who follow the indigenous Punjabi sect of Islam: Ahmadiyya.  The Ahmadis are virtually all Punjabi and highly educated and prosperous.  In the early days of Pakistan, Ahmadis were majorly over-represented in the business community and Pakistan’s Civil Service.  For this reason, they are hated not only by the Punjabi Mullahs, but also by the Punjabi Middle-class which perceives them as economic rivals.

Because the Punjabi “Liberal” middle class view Ahmadis (and Muhajirs) as economic rivals in Pakistan, they have never come out onto the streets in any numbers to protest massacres inflicted on Ahmadi (and Muhajir) civilians over several decades.

In 1947, Jinnah appointed Zafrullah, an eminent Ahmadi lawyer, as Pakistan’s first foreign minister.  In today’s environment, this is so unthinkable as to almost sound like a joke.  Yet in a Muhajir government, such things become a reality.

If you ask any modern day Punjabi liberal, they will all claim to support Ahmadi rights.  But in practice, they would not support the measures required to achieve it.  If anyone proposes equal rights for Ahmadis in Punjab, the Mullahs will rise up, and these Punjabi liberals disappear from view.  Therefore, their voice is utterly useless by itself.

By contrast, Altaf Hussain has stated that it is official MQM policy to remove all legal restrictions against Ahmadis.  It is not the business of the State to declare them “non-Muslim”.  If anyone wishes to consider them not true Muslims, that is their free choice but there can be no legal barriers whatsoever.

I propose that Muhajirs should be allowed to levy special anti-Jihadi security forces, which will specifically target Jihadis and their supporters.  For starters, the ISIS-affiliated Red Mosque in Islamabad should be razed to the ground.

If Punjabi liberals oppose this idea, it shows that they reject any step to actually bring about change.  The idea that a few Punjabi “Burgers” holding placards can persuade legions of AK-47 and RPG armed ISIS terrorists bunkered inside Red Mosque to change their ways is little more than a farce.  Imran Khan has promised never to change discriminatory anti-Ahmadi laws, which is a perfect example why Punjabi democracy will only result in perpetual bigotry.

We recently witnessed  (October 2014) a rather comical example of this point.  Imran Khan made a speech at a rally and stated that he would like to have the famous economist Atif Mian (Professor of Economics and Public Affairs at Princeton University) as his Finance Minister.  After it was pointed out to Imran that Mr Mian is an Ahmadi, said “Oh, I just read in a magazine that Mr Mian is one of the top 25 economists in the world, I didn’t realise he is an Ahmadi” (see 0:42 in Youtube video below).  Then Imran reaffirmed his commitment to maintain unjust regulations against Ahmadis.

To achieve “Jinnah ka Pakistan”, Ahmadis must have equal rights as citizens.  Muhajirs must be given significant element of security control in order to repel the terrorists in order to make this a reality, otherwise it will simply never happen due to Punjab’s bigotry.

7. Baloch & FATA Affairs

In the early days of Pakistan, both Baluchistan and NWFP were restless.  Many Baloch (including the Khan of Kalat) and Pakhtun  leaders (eg Bacha Khan) were opposed to entering Pakistan.

Jinnah spent plenty of time in Baluchistan and NWFP to meet the tribes, hear their concerns, make numerous promises for the future, and secure their support for Pakistan.

1948 - Jinnah NWFP gathering

Jinnah understood that, if non-Muhajirs took control of Baluchistan and NWFP, the mineral and natural resources of Baluchistan would be plundered, and the Pakhtun would be mistreated leading to many of them turning back to their ancient habits of banditry and Jihadism.  For this reason, Jinnah established “Ministry of States and Frontier Regulations”, based in Karachi.  With overall Muhajir Federal Government oversight of Baluch affairs, the Baluch would have received a fair deal from the exploitation of their water and mineral resources.  Instead, Sui Gas and Baloch gold/copper etc has been plundered (mostly by Punjabis) and Baluch have received almost nothing in return.  As a result, Baluch rebels are waging a war of attrition, destroying Baluch pipelines, and making it virtually impossible for further mineral extraction to occur.

1948 - Tribal areas

Punjabis are treating Baluchistan with cruelty and ruthlessness  Under Z.A. Bhutto’s wadera rule, the Baloch were bombed to smithereens (1973).  As a result of decades of exploitation, many Baluch leaders wish to separate from Pakistan.

To achieve “Jinnah ka Pakistan”, Muhajirs should have the opportunity to set Baloch and FATA policies.  This will enable in fairer distribution to all, and lead to a more harmonious and prosperous nation for all.

8. More infrastructure development for Karachi

Karachi has provided more than 70% of Pakistan’s entire tax revenues for many decades.  If Muhajirs had gone to Gwadar (Balochistan). Gwadar would be producing 70% of Pakistan’s tax revenues, and Karachi today would be producing less than Gwadar.

Within Sindh Province, Karachi provides 94% of tax revenues.  However, much of this disappears into Sindhi corruption.  A famous example is Sindh’s ghost schools system, with 6000 ghost schools and ghost teachers (all PPP supporters) receiving money from Provincial funds.

Muhajirs have virtually 100% literacy amongst males and females.  However, in other areas of Pakistan, literacy is far lower.  Until Muhajirs spread love of literacy and learning to other Provinces, Muhajirs will remain the highest per capita tax payers.

1947 - Pak airports

Jinnah allocated more infrastructure funds for Karachi

In order for Karachi to contribute more, it needs more infrastructure development.  This was true in the time of Jinnah also.  In those days, Jinnah decided that Karachi would have an international standard airport built, and Lahore and Rawalpindi would each receive 2nd class airports.  Yet today, Muhajirs have zero control over their own tax revenues, or any control over Karachi infrastructure development.  The Federal and Sindh governments are bickering over who is responsible for spending on Karachi water projects, and Karachi suffers as a result.

To achieve “Jinnah ka Pakistan”, Karachi needs a far greater allocation of resources.  It it currently far lower than its tax contributions.

9. Return Muhajir businesses to Muhajirs

Immediately after the creation of Pakistan, Muhajir businessmen began the process of industrialisation and development of Pakistan’s financial sector.  Jinnah himself encouraged many of the finest Indian Muslim businessmen to migrate to Pakistan.  This was on the basis that they would be free to create their businesses without institutionalised state theft or anti-Muhajir discrimination.

1947- LHR hindus

Without Hindus, Lahore came to a standstill

After the Hindus and Sikhs were expelled from Lahore, there were barely any trained Punjabi Muslim clerks to operate banks or telegraph stations.  At this time, the Muhajirs were creating Pakistan’s State Bank, heavy industry, shipping industries, banking, insurance as well as other areas of commerce.

1948 - SBP

Muhajirs created State Bank of Pakistan.

There was no industry in NWFP beyond wood chopping, and little business in Sindh beyond selling mangos.  Thanks to Muhajir efforts, all of Pakistan had a financial system and business infrastructure to enable it to function and develop.  In the early decades of Pakistan, many Punjabis also worked hard and made money.  However, they were jealous of the success of Muhajirs, far smaller in number yet far wealthier.  The Punjabis kept an even deeper hatred for the (Punjabi) Ahmadis, a tiny community yet fabulously wealthy in Pakistan.

1952 - Karachi centre

Muhajirs rapidly set about transforming Karachi into an industrial and commercial centre

Due to these factors, Z.A. Bhutto nationalised all the major financial sector and other private sector businesses of Pakistan. One of the reasons Punjabis supported Bhutto is that most of the jobs in the newly nationalised Muhajir businesses were taken by Punjabis.

The Muhajir tycoons of Pakistan were instantly deprived of their own businesses which they created, and were effectively forced to leave the country. Agriculture, almost entirely owned by Punjabis and Sindhis, was not nationalised even though Agriculture then formed over 40% of Pakistan’s GDP.

At the same time, Bhutto created a harsh “quota system” which effectively barred Muhajirs from government jobs.  Bhutto then filled these nationalised banks and companies with Punjabis and Sindhi civil servants.  Corruption in Pakistan at this point went through the roof, as Bhutto’s corrupt snakes stole as much as they could from these companies they had effectively been gifted.  Virtually every wealthy PPP supporter till today traces their wealth back to this era.

For practical examples of the incredible levels of corruption in Bhutto’s era, please see my article “Bhuttoist or Bhattaist?

Many years later, when Punjabi General Zia took power, many of the Punjabi tycoons who had lost their businesses were given them back.  A prime example of this is the Nawaz Sharif family.  However, Muhajirs didn’t get their businesses back.  Many of these have been destroyed by mismanagement under state ownership, then sold onto Punjabis for a pittance.

To achieve “Jinnah ka Pakistan”, whatever previously Muhajir-owned businesses should be handed over to their rightful Muhajir owners.

To be perfectly frank, it doesn’t matter if this happen.  With control over a secure Sindh-2 Province, Muhajirs will be able to play a leading role in Pakistan’s economy again within less than a decade.

Summary

The core objective of MQM is to restructure Sindh into Sindh-1 (rural Sindh) and Sindh-2 (urban Sindh).  This will enable MQM to form the provincial government in the areas in which we have dominant electoral support.  In practical terms. this is the surest method to achieve Jinnah ka Pakistan.

Provinces in Pakistan do not have the authority to contravene Federal Laws, but in practice they have the right to ignore them with complete impunity.  For example, in PTI-governed Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province, thousands of young boys are raped in Peshawar daily;  Countless women are murdered in honour killings and it is clear who the murderer was.  There are zero prosecutions for either crime.

Lahore's PTI and PMLN voters burning a Christian neighbourhood

Lahore’s PTI and PMLN voters burning a Christian neighbourhood

In PMLN-governed Punjab Province, Punjabi Muslims burn entire Christian neighbourhoods to the ground, killing as many Christians as they please.  This is done in the view of countless cameras and video recorders – the perpetrators know that they will face zero punishment.

In PPP-governed Sindh Province, there are hundreds of private jails maintained by rural landlords (ie local PPP bosses).  There is no way for any peasant mother to go and beg for her son’s release because the Sindh police will take no action whatsoever.

Therefore, in practice, paedophilia, honour killings, private jails and Christian slaughter are never punished in these provinces.

Using the same principle, MQM would be able to allow Ahmadis to pray as they choose in full freedom, for women to never be prosecuted for being raped, for alcohol to be sold without the involvement of criminals or police kickbacks, for Jihadi bases masquerading as “mosques” to be brought under control, for sectarian hate speech to be silenced, and so on.

In the same way that Islamabad has created a ring of steel around it to prevent terrorist attacks, Karachi could have a security barrier built around the city.  Normal traffic would pass through a series of checkpoints.  You can be certain that kidnappings, bombings, extortion, narcotics prevalence and other violent crimes would decrease rapidly.

Only MQM can build Jinnah ka Pakistan.  With Sindh-2, we can provide an example. a beacon of hope, to the rest of Pakistan, that they may also be able to pull themselves back from the perilous precipice upon which they find themselves perched.

For Punjabi/Pakhtun/Sindhi liberals, MQM’s demand for Sindh-2 Province is a litmus test: Do you people ever want to see Jinnah ka Pakistan or not?

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